Recent research from the American Political Science Association
Our AI reads the latest RSS feed of APSA preprints from Cambridge Open Engage and summarises the findings
The individual reports below - including each headline - were generated automatically by our machine-reading software from recent political science research from APSA.
The impact of the past on voters' political ideology.
Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell (2021) reported on alternative legacies of authoritarianism. Recent studies investigate ‘anti-dictator bias’ in political ideology, where citizens in a former right-wing dictatorship may display a leftist bias in their ideological self-identification. In countries with negotiated transitions and stronger former ruling parties, successors could continue mobilizing the popular base of the former dictatorship with inherited advantages from the past. The findings emphasize the role of post-transition features in shaping alternative legacies on voter attitudes in former authoritarian societies.
Why autocrats in Egypt distribute economic benefits during the month of Ramadan.
Ahmed Mohamed (2021) described religious cycles of government responsiveness. Why do autocrats distribute in Ramadan? And, who do they target? Focusing on Egypt, this paper argues that the regime distributes in Ramadan to contain political threats to its survival. The findings show that the government reports more economic distribution in places where political threats are higher. In many Muslim societies, autocrats expand their distributive policies in Ramadan. Focusing on Egypt (2014-2020), this paper argues that the regime distributes in Ramadan to contain political threats to its survival by co-opting areas where such threats are more credible.
Why do some politicians seek the help of criminal groups to get their votes and increase their chances of victory at the ballot box?
Jessie Bullock (2021) reported in ‘Machine Gun Politics’ that some politicians win by using an electoral strategy called criminal clientelism. Bullock uses a natural experiment that leverages exogenous variation in voter assignment to ballot boxes, and shows that corralling increases turnout and influences vote choice. Politicians hire criminal groups as brokers to deliver votes through two mechanisms: (1) corralling mobilizes groups of residents to the polls and (2) gatekeeping prevents rival candidates from accessing voters. The mechanisms underpinning criminal clientelism decrease competitiveness and increase the probability of victory for criminally allied candidates.
The impact of donor ideology on the allocation of foreign aid.
In ‘Language in Congress’, Esol Cho (2021) noted that there is an extensive literature on the effect of donor ideology on foreign aid allocations. Legislators' application of political ideology expands to foreign aid agendas through interactions with domestic constituencies: development Non-Governmental Organizations and private enterprises. Legislators adopt the constituencies' ideological rationale for aid and reflect the groups' aid preferences by taking on the language of those constituents.
Analysis of service-learning requirements in an Introduction to American Politics course at a Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSI).
In ‘Service Learning at an HSI’, Andrew Smith (2021) noted that an emerging body of literature seeks to design, implement, and analyze best practices in service learning at undergraduate universities. Given that students at such universities are in unique learning environments, there is a question of how well standard practices should apply to HSI's. Smith concludes that pedagogy should be adjusted to reflect the unique aspects of HSI students.
Public interest groups use social media to promote their work.
In ‘Pursuing Change or Pursuing Credit?’, Anna Gunderson and colleagues (2021) noted that social media provides an inexpensive way for interest groups to inform and mobilize large audiences. The team argue there are two reasons interest groups post about judicial advocacy on social media. Organizations use social media to claim credit for activity in the courts in order to increase their public and financial support. They expect that this strategy will be used most frequently by legal organizations.
A pandemic such as COVID-19 virus led to a dramatic change in public attitudes about government's role in the economy and redistribution.
Jack Blumenau et al. (2021) report that using a survey experiment, they find exposure to the pandemic to greater roles for government has no impact on ideological beliefs. The authors conclude that such elite rhetoric, even if it had been present in the field, would not have yielded ideological change. The researchers hypothesise that exposure to the pandemic and these policy responses caused change in attitudes to the role of government in the economy and redistribution.
Political science can be used to improve democracy as a form of government by treating institutions as experiments.
Titus Alexander (2021) reports that every state can be seen as an experiment in political science and a working model of how to govern, developed through trial and error, and peer reviewed by citizens. This insight provides a basis for scholars to help citizens address democratic deficits and improve pluralistic politics as a method for solving problems. Treating institutions as experiments gives scholars new ways to increase effectiveness of research and civic engagement.
Black voters were significantly more likely to vote in person during the pandemic than White Democrats.
Kiela Crabtree and Bernard Fraga (2021) consider how pandemic-related shifts in election administration and racial justice protest activity impacted participation in 2020 primary and general elections in Georgia. Black voters were significantly more likely to vote in person during the pandemic than White Democrats. The authors demonstrate that Black turnout was significantly higher in the period following racial justice protests in Georgia than it was for other groups.
Role of the White House in shaping the legislative agenda of the next Congress, and the importance of strategic partnerships with senior lawmakers.
In ‘Unification of Powers’, Craig Volden et al. (2021) reported that presidents who are strategic in choosing early coalition partners in Congress – such as effective sponsors of administration bills – significantly enhance their chance of legislative success. The authors identify more than 1,400 executive branch proposals appearing as bills in Congress between 1989 and 2006.
The implications of Donald Trump's insurrection of the U.S. Capitol.
Sam van Noort (2021) described do American voters really not punish overt undemocratic behavior at the polls. Donald Trump's incitement of the insurrection of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021 was unexpected to the general public. Comparing Republican Party support among respondents that were interviewed just before and just after, the insurrection occurred suggests that the insurrection caused a 10.8% decline in support for the Republican Party. Back-of-the-envelope calculations suggests that this electoral penalty is sufficient to decide presidential elections.
Polygynous societies may be linked to social unrest in Africa.
In ‘Polygyny, Inequality, and Social Unrest’, Tim Krieger and Laura Renner (2021) noted that this paper proposes three theoretical mechanisms through which polygyny may be related to social unrest. The mechanisms are related to different dimensions of grievance-inducing and, partly, greed-related inequality, which may occur in polygynous societies. These dimensions include economic, reproductive and social inequality resulting in relative deprivation among non-elite men.
The impact of party-at-the-box voting.
Ashley Daniels et al. (2021) reported in ‘Party at the Mailbox’ that in early 2020 Black Girls Vote, Inc. (BGV) created an initiative to deliver customized locally-themed voter engagement boxes to Baltimore city residents. The pilot Party at the Mailbox (PATM) effort for the June 2020 primary was enormously successful, increasing turnout by 3.5 percentage points overall. Party at the Mailbox works because it cultivates a spirit of celebration about voting that capitalizes on Black group consciousness and Black attitudes about the power of the vote.
A study of the awarding of medical cannabis dispensary licenses in Pennsylvania shows that safety and business acumen are more important than social equity in the decision-making process.
Lee Hannah et al. (2021) studied maximizing social equity as a pillar of public administration. This study leverages the expansion of medical cannabis programs in the states to interrogate these questions. Safety and business acumen were the most important determining factors in the awarding of licenses, both effectiveness and efficiency concerns. Social equity does not emerge as a significant determinant. Public administration upholds four key pillars for administrative practice: economy, efficiency, effectiveness, and social equity.
A study of political parties' Facebook posts shows that populism is not a marginal phenomenon.
Karolina Koc-Michalska and Ulrike Klinger (2021) adopt the notion of populism as a communication phenomenon that includes typical elements of content and style, moving away from actor-centered approaches towards a content-centered approach. The results show that populism is not a marginal phenomenon, but that it is present in about one fourth of all postings in some form. Study measures populism to varying degrees and forms in 3564 Facebook postings of political parties in France, Germany and the UK.
What are the motivations behind local government innovations in China and how do they compare with their counterparts in the United States, Europe and other developed countries?
Yuhao Wang (2021) described prudent adventure. Study constructs a unique dataset of Chinese local government innovations during 2001-2016 and categorizes them with Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques. In a centralized authoritarian state like China, local politicians concern political resources and risks more than economic development. The authors examine how economic factors affect policy innovations and how political status brings better explanations.
Do attacks on U.S. troops deployed overseas increase support for intervention in the event of a future conflict?
In ‘Testing Tripwire Theory Using Survey Experiments’, Paul Musgrave and Steven Ward (2021) noted that many scholars and policymakers assume that attacks on forward deployed U.S. troops—“tripwires”—will prompt strong domestic political support for escalation against the attacker. This conjecture informs policy and has deep theoretical roots, yet it is undertheorized and largely untested. The authors use two survey experiments to examine whether and how attacks influence Americans’ support for intervention. But prior research shows that casualties suffered during a conflict reduce support for intervention. They identify and develop two theoretical mechanisms – reputation and revenge – to explain why such attacks might prompt support.
The role of science, technology and innovation (STI) in China's foreign policy.
Ramnath Reghunadhan (2021) reports that in an increasingly multipolar but ‘glocalised’ world, a country's scientific and technological know-how determines its socioeconomic position. The STI diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) developed within a broader political, social and economic environment, which is inherently different from that of Europe and the US. A country's scientific and technological know-how determines its socioeconomic position and strategic disposition, especially related to science, technology and innovation. People’s Republic of China is emerging as a major stakeholder in global STI diplomacy.
How social capital affects the frequency of constitutional amendments.
In ‘Social Capital, Institutional Rules, and Constitutional Amendment Rates’, a group led by William Blake from the Western University (2021) reported that despite the importance of this question to political science and legal theory, there is little consensus regarding the forces that shape constitutional amendments. This paper makes a contribution to both literatures by examining how social capital reduces the transaction costs imposed by amendment rules. There is little consensus regarding the forces that shape constitutional amendments. Some scholars only focus on institutional factors, while others emphasize variations in culture.
A new theoretical framework capable of bridging the scholarly divides.
Jessica Hejny and Adam Hilton (2021) present in ‘Contentious Institutions and Party Orders in American Politics’ a new theoretical framework capable of bridging scholarly divides and coming to terms with American party politics today. They argue that political parties should be seen as fundamentally contentious institutions. The dynamics of intraparty contention and rise and fall of distinct party orders over time illuminate the patterns of American party development. Parties are subject to rival claims of authority from a range of political actors, including elected officeholders, party officials, interest groups, and social movements.
Countries with higher levels of government effectiveness can reduce the number of people dying as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Susumu Annaka (2021) reported on how good democratic governance can combat covid-19-excess mortality analysis. Using excess mortality data from 78 countries, this study analyzed the impact of government effectiveness and its relationship with political regimes. The results revealed that democratic countries with higher government effectiveness can reduce COVID-19 excess mortality. This study suggests that democratic countries need not give up freedom and need to improve government effectiveness.
How political developments have contributed to the escalation of conflict in Nigeria's Middle Belt.
Ezenwa Olumba (2021) reported on the politics of eco-violence. Competition for natural resources has intensified in recent years between nomadic Fulani herders and sedentary farmers in Nigeria's Middle Belt. The findings show that changes in the 'political opportunity structure' in Nigeria since 2014 were a catalyst for escalating the conflicts.
Democracies are more likely to issue economic sanctions than non-democracies.
Dawid Walentek (2021) provides a new insight into the topic of economic peace. He argues that the exercise of power among democracies has been rechannelled to economic coercion. Democracies are more likely to sanction one another. Scholars have argued whether democratic peace holds in the realm of economic sanctions — whether there is an economic peace. Substantial amounts of evidence have been gathered both for and against economic peace and findings have been extremely sensitive to changes in research design.
Mechanisms by which states can co-operate to impose economic sanctions on each other without resorting to military force.
Dawid Walentek (2021) reported that, despite low effectiveness and sanction-busting, multilateral economic sanctions are a popular tool of foreign policy. The team explore an instrumental approach to sanctions and develop a game theory framework. Walentek indicates that cooperation can be achieved through repeated interactions and reputation. This article studies cooperation on multilateral economic sanctions. The effect of repeated interaction appears conditional on reputation. States with poor reputation mediate its effect through repeated interaction.
The role of religion in the development of right-wing populism in the United States has been the subject of much research, with Evangelical Protestants and atheists and agnostics spearheading the opposition.
James Guth and Lyman Kellstedt (2021) consider the influence of religious factors in the development of conservative populism in the U.S. They find that ethnoreligious traditions have very different responses to populist themes, with Evangelical Protestants quite supportive of most populist attitudes. The rise of right-wing populism in Western democracies has received enormous attention from social scientists. The authors find that Evangelical Protestants are quite supportive of most populist attitudes.
Role of crisis bargaining in the dynamics of international conflict, and how it can be understood in the context of game theory.
A research team led by Mark Dekker of the Utrecht University (2021) reported in ‘Strategy Under Uncertainty’ that crisis bargaining literature offers a rich assessment of the dynamics of international conflict, accounting for variation in the cost of conflict and the domestic audience cost. The literature does not consider the role of variation in information available to states engaged in a conflict. The group show that uncertainty and costs are separate mechanisms in respect to states behaviour. When do states stand firm, back down, concede or settle with the status quo? Crisis bargaining literature offers a rich assessment of the dynamics of international conflict. The researchers extend the existing game theory models of crisis bargaining, to allow for variation in information, and show that uncertainty and costs are separate mechanisms in respect to states behaviour.
The role of past friendships in the dynamics of conflict in Nigeria.
Surulola Eke (2021) described understanding the variable dispositions to ‘Friendly Violence’ during interethnic conflict. The variable conflict behaviours of everyday people living in proximity, without formal militia affiliations, have been under-researched. The analysis indicates that did past friendships motivate information sharing between ingroup and outgroup members who sought to protect their friends, it facilitated the conflict. Qualitative inferences on the individual-level dynamics accounting for the variable dispositions among neighbours are significant.
Youth turnout in U.S. elections is the lowest among all age groups.
Claire Zhu (2021) described a study of key factors influencing youth voter turnout. Youth voters between 18 and 29 years of age have consistently had the lowest turnout among all age groups in U.S. elections. The outcome of this research lays the foundation for a study on a youth engagement framework to significantly boost their voting rates. Social media, geography, income, and education are among the weightier factors that affect young voters’ decisions to vote.
A study of right-wing radicalization in the US, the early stages of radicalization and the impact of foreign wars on society at home.
Richard McAlexander et al. (2021) reported in ‘They’re Still There, He’s All Gone’ that the costs of the US’s foreign wars have important effects on domestic US. The group argue that the communities that bear the greatest costs of foreign wars are most prone to high rates of right-wing radicalization. Research shows demographic changes and economic decline drive support for the far-right.
Prior to the 2020 Presidential Election, it was predicted that then-President Trump would lose the popular vote and Electoral College but refuse to concede, leading to a series of legal challenges, protests and insurrection.
Brendan Hartnett and Alexandra Haver (2021) described unconditional support for trump’s resistance prior to election day in public opinion. Prior to the 2020 Presidential Election, it was predicted that -President Trump would lose the popular vote and Electoral College but refuse to concede. This was exactly what occurred and manifested in the January 6 Capitol Insurrection. The researchers explore whether popular vote margins influence the acceptance of election results. A few weeks before the election they explored support among Trump voters for resisting hypothetical election results when Joe Biden is said to win by a range of popular vote margins. The legal challenges, protests and insurrection that followed the election enjoyed support from Trump voters prior to the election itself.
US Vice President Joe Biden won more counties in the state of Pennsylvania than Donald Trump won the state in the 2016 presidential election.
Gregg Smith (2021) described presidential voting and county composition; A research note on the 2020 Election. The counties that Trump won tended to be populated with people who are more white, less educated, score lower on a composite wellbeing measure and are located in a more rural setting. The urban/rural effect is so small that they question whether there is a real effect after controlling for the effects of other variables.
Using the county as the unit of analysis, they examine the variance in the county percentage of votes cast for Biden and Trump as dependent variables. The seven independent variables are conceptually related to racial diversity, educational attainment, wellbeing, and rural/urban classification.
David Easton’s political system as an input/output model can serve as a standard by which to assess the “goodness” of a political system, and for comparing the goodness of systems.
In ‘Normative Political Science – How to Measure the Goodness of a Political System’, William Kelleher (2021) reported that David Easton's theory of the political system as an input/output model can serve as a standard by which to assess the ‘goodness’ of a political system. Assessing such goodness is not a matter of moral approval or approbation, but more like the taxonomist assessing the goodness of a specimen, as to both its categorical fit and its health.
The 2019-2020 cohort of PhD students was more diverse in terms of gender, race/ ethnicity, and/ or home country than the 2018-2019 cohort.
Ana Diaz and Erin McGrath (2021) reported on 2018-2020 APSA graduate placement survey. The 2019-2020 cohort of incoming students was more gender balanced, and women were more likely to receive full funding than men. The rankings and type of institutions students attend, and their own gender, race/ ethnicity, and/ or home country correlate with variations in the levels of funding received. In 2019-2020, incoming doctoral students from other countries were more diverse in terms of gender/ race-ethnicity than those from the United States. Students generally receive full funding and/or funding for 5+ years.
The impact of political violence on political engagement in developing countries.
In ‘Collective memory and means of claims in democracies’, Armando Martins and Pedro Hemsley (2021) noted that the hypothesis is tested in the case of Chilean protests from October 2019 to March 2020 triggered by police violence Estallido Social and the Constituent Plebiscite conducted in October 2020 in response to the protests. Qualitative evidence indicates a strong reaction from the civil society against this trauma. This article argues that protests are a primary driver of political engagement in nations with a memory of institutional violence.
Low-income voters may be more likely to participate in elections if they receive periodic cash benefits.
Victor Araújo (2021) studied how can unconditional cash transfers encourage voters to cast ballots. Low-income voters are typically underrepresented in elections. Even in countries adopting compulsory voting, there is a consolidated pattern of voter turnout decline among the poor. I argue that implementing an unconditional cash transfer (UCT) can decrease both direct and indirect costs of voting. Maricá’s unconditional cash transfer is the largest UCT in Latin America implemented in Brazil in 2013.
Junior scholars are often at a disadvantage when it comes to finding colleagues, colleagues, friends, and allies.
A research group led by Seo-young Kim at the American University (2021) report that Community networking aims to move beyond individuals angling to get a seat at the table and instead builds a bigger, more inclusive table. Community networking is both a service to the discipline and a fruitful strategy for raising one's profile. Kim and colleagues suggest a model of community networking focused on robust, cross-rank engagement along dimensions of similar experiences and similar interests.
Hate crimes against Muslims fell after the election of Donald Trump, but there was an increase in violent hate crimes committed against Jews.
A group led by William Hobbs at the Cornell University (2021) show that a sudden mid-2017 decline in media discussion of Muslims and in online communities was associated with a large and sustained drop in anti-Muslim hate. At nearly the same time as these shifts, they observe an increase in violent hate crimes committed against Jews. Granger causality tests demonstrate that week-to-week changes in online extremist speech targeting one group predicted subsequent shifts in hate crimes and bias incidents. Hate crimes surged at several points during and after the 2016 U.S presidential election. Observers argued that hate crimes, especially against Muslims, increased due to inflammatory rhetoric.
Potential drivers of vote share shifts after general elections in the United States, and the implications for public concerns about election integrity.
In ‘Why Do Election Results Change After Election Day?’, R. Alvarez and colleagues (2021) noted that there has been an increasing tendency for vote shares to shift toward Democratic candidates after Election Day in general elections. Far from being anomalous, the vote share shifts are consistent with underlying precinct voter compositions and order of individual ballot processing.
What can be done to improve the turnout of young voters in presidential elections?
In a study for improving youth voter participation, Claire Zhu (2021) reported that youth voters between 18 and 29 years of age have consistently had the lowest turnout among all age groups in U.S. presidential elections. This paper examined voting behavior of young adults, using a youth’s viewpoint, and documented the results of the study. A framework for improving youth voting rate consists of: engagement strategies focusing on youth and starting to work with them from before the voting age, and actionable steps.
The response of UK and devolved governments to response to the pandemic has been the subject of much debate in recent months.
James Griffiths and Jac Larner (2021) reported on democratic accountability in a crisis. COVID-19 has emphasised the multi-level nature of governance in the UK, but popular perceptions of how these governments have handled the pandemic are yet to be explored. Existing research often suggests that voters evaluate governments on their performance, and that these evaluations have electoral consequences. Using logistic regression, they analyse factors associated with these evaluations. These results suggest government evaluations have electoral consequences.
Twitter accounts of U.S. House of Representatives members.
A team led by R. Alvarez at the California Institute of Technology (2021) reported in ‘Leadership Communication and Power’ that by leveraging the Twitter accounts of U.S. House of Representatives members, they develop a new understanding of House leadership power using natural language processing methods. Formal theoretic work on congressional leadership suggests a tension in legislative party members' policy stances as they balance coordination and information problems.
American attitudes towards gun control are unmalleable and deeply entrenched following mass shooting events.
Muzhou Zhang and Joseph Kelly (2021) described how mass shooting influences attitudinal change. Previous research conducted by Rogowski and Tucker suggests that attitudes towards gun control remained unchanged following the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting. They employ a similar method while using the 2016 Orlando shooting as a new case to explore the extent to which the previously reported null effect holds.
Kim-Leffingwell, S. (2021). Alternative Legacies of Authoritarianism: Pro-dictator Bias in Ideology. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-jlth5 [Link]
Mohamed, A. E. (2021). Religious Cycles of Government Responsiveness: Why Governments Distribute in Ramadan. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-fh9kl [Link]
Bullock, J. (2021). Machine Gun Politics: Why Politicians Cooperate with Criminal Groups. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-dxcl7 [Link]
Cho, E. (2021). Language in Congress: Domestic Constituent Influence in Foreign Aid Decisions. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-sc1s1 [Link]
Smith, A. (2021). Service Learning at an HSI: A Preliminary Analysis. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-sd4gj [Link]
Smith, A. (2021). Service-Learning at an HSI: A Preliminary Analysis. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-htwvs [Link]
Gvosdev, N., & Cooper, D. (2021). Slides to accompany “Teaching IR Theory for Future Foreign Policy Practitioners” presentation. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-tm285 [Link]
Gunderson, A., Widner, K., & Macdonald, M. (2021). Pursuing Change or Pursuing Credit? Litigation and Credit Claiming on Social Media. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-d5fsz [Link]
Blumenau, J., Hicks, T., Jacobs, A., Matthews, S., & O’Grady, T. (2021). Testing Negative: The Non-Consequences of COVID-19 on Mass Ideology. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-qpczc [Link]
Alexander, T. (2021). Political Science and the Democratic Method: How Higher Education Can Strengthen Democracy at Scale. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-7lhts [Link]
Crabtree, K., & Fraga, B. (2021). Protests, Pandemics, and Political Participation: Voter Turnout in Georgia in the 2020 Elections. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-9qrw7 [Link]
Volden, C., Kernell, S., Larocca, R., & Wiseman, A. (2021). Unification of Powers: When Effective Lawmakers Sponsor Presidential Proposals in Congress. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-pkstz [Link]
Van Noort, S. (2021). Do American Voters Really Not Punish Overt Undemocratic Behavior at the Polls? Natural Experimental Evidence from the 2021 Insurrection of the U.S. Capitol. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-td3zm [Link]
Norris, H. (2021). Queer Political Representation: A Phenomenological Approach. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-3k99t [Link]
Krieger, T., & Renner, L. (2021). Polygyny, Inequality, and Social Unrest. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-ttcrm [Link]
Daniels, A., DeMora, S., Hayes, S., & Michelson, M. (2021). Party at the Mailbox: Mobilizing Black Voters with Celebrations of Community. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-l28b1-v2 [Link]
Hannah, L., Mallinson, D., & Azevedo, L. (2021). Maximizing Social Equity as a Pillar of Public Administration: An Examination of Dispensary Licensing in Pennsylvania. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-m85vx [Link]
Koc-Michalska, K., & Klinger, U. (2021). Populism as Communication: Political Campaigning on Facebook. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-qjf0v [Link]
Wang, Y. (2021). Prudent Adventure: how does political status affect local government innovations? doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-zr6gn [Link]
Tang, Z. (2021). Amor Mundi as Capability to Transcend: Hannah Arendt’s Conception of the Human. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-pk1v4 [Link]
Fox, J. (2021). Fair and Square Redistricting. doi:10.33774/apsa-2020-5vg8w-v9 [Link]
Musgrave, P., & Ward, S. (2021). Testing Tripwire Theory Using Survey Experiments. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-kf3n3 [Link]
Reghunadhan, R. (2021). POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND INNOVATION DIPLOMACY OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-vmwgt [Link]
Blake, W., Cozza, J., & Friesen, A. (2021). Social Capital, Institutional Rules, and Constitutional Amendment Rates. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-kcnvt [Link]
Hejny, J., & Hilton, A. (2021). Contentious Institutions and Party Orders in American Politics. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-w6lbr [Link]
Annaka, S. (2021). Good Democratic Governance Can Combat COVID-19-Excess Mortality Analysis. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-l8k5x-v4 [Link]
Olumba, E. E. (2021). The Politics of Eco-violence: Why Is Conflict Escalating in Nigeria’s Middle Belt? doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-dn9j4 [Link]
Jacobs, A., Kapiszewski, D., & Karcher, S. (2021). Using Annotation for Transparent Inquiry (ATI) to Teach Qualitative Research Methods. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-1fnv8-v3 [Link]
Becker, M. (2021). Codebook Critique: Teaching Measurement and Operationalization Using Publicly Accessible Data. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-lzd0m [Link]
Walentek, D. (2021). Economic Peace Revisited: Coercion and Democracy. doi:10.33774/apsa-2020-s9qht-v2 [Link]
Walentek, D. (2021). Reputation or Interaction: What Drives Cooperation on Economic Sanctions? doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-dnwg7 [Link]
Guth, J., & Kellstedt, L. (2021). Religion and American Populism: The View from the 2020 American National Election Study. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-6r3q9 [Link]
Dekker, M., Walentek, D., Haslbeck, J., & Broere, J. (2021). Strategy Under Uncertainty: International Conflict and Variation in Information. doi:10.33774/apsa-2020-jmx66-v3 [Link]
Eke, S. (2021). Understanding the Variable Dispositions to “Friendly Violence” during Interethnic Conflict: Evidence from Nigeria. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-6fx4r [Link]
Capuano, E. (2021). Access to Information Law in Brazil: What the Implementation Data Reveal. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-m1g59 [Link]
Zhu, C. (2021). A Study of Key Factors Influencing Youth Voter Turnout. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-rh7kg [Link]
McAlexander, R., Rubin, M., & Williams, R. (2021). They’re Still There, He’s All Gone: American Fatalities in Foreign Wars and Right-Wing Radicalization at Home. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-70pn3 [Link]
Hartnett, B., & Haver, A. (2021). Unconditional Support for Trump’s Resistance Prior to Election Day in Public Opinion. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-4fnts [Link]
Smith, G. (2021). Presidential Voting and County Composition; A Research Note on the 2020 Election. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-m2h51 [Link]
Kelleher, W. (2021). Normative Political Science – How to Measure the Goodness of a Political System. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-f9mvn [Link]
Diaz, A., & McGrath, E. (2021). 2018-2020 APSA Graduate Placement Survey: Incoming Students Report. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-6b4fj [Link]
Martins, A., & Hemsley, P. (2021). Collective memory and means of claims in democracies: Evidence from Chile (2019-2021). doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-vwcxr [Link]
Victor Araújo (2021). Can unconditional cash transfers encourage voters to cast ballots? Evidence from elections in Brazil. https://dx.doi.org/10.33774/apsa-2021-rl9sw?rft_dat=source%3Ddrss [Link]
Kim, S. S., Lebovits, H., & Shugars, S. (2021). Building a Bigger Table: Networking 101 For Graduate Students. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-z9z88-v2 [Link]
Hobbs, W., Lajevardi, N., Li, X., & Lucas, C. (2021). Group Salience, Inflammatory Rhetoric, and the Persistence of Hate Against Religious Minorities. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-wnwqw [Link]
Alvarez, R. M., Li, Y., & Hyun, M. (2021). Why Do Election Results Change After Election Day? The “Blue Shift” in California Elections. doi:10.33774/apsa-2020-s43xx-v2 [Link]
Zhu, C. (2021). A Study for Improving Youth Voter Participation. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-2lpj8 [Link]
Griffiths, J., & Larner, J. (2021). Democratic accountability in a crisis: Analysing evaluations of government response to COVID-19 in a multi-nation state. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-p1dpl [Link]
Alvarez, R. M., Ebanks, D., Yan, H., Das, S., & Sinclair, B. (2021). Leadership Communication and Power: Measuring Leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives from Social Media Data. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-m4wls [Link]
Zhang, M., & Kelly, J. (2021). Does Mass Shooting Influence Attitudinal Change? New Evidence from Orlando 2016. doi:10.33774/apsa-2021-kfdrs [Link]